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Posts from the ‘Politics’ Category

Political Contradictions as Symptoms

During primary season last year, I became pretty convinced of the view that political debate cannot stand or fall on the strategy of calling out contradictions.  Yet as I noted around that time, some entire projects are based on contradictions.  Socrates describes his efforts to encourage reflection in his interlocutors as a project of calling out the contradiction between what they say they are committed to and how they live.  He has to assume that people don’t want to be at odds with themselves.

Yesterday the President signed an executive order that bars refugees and citizens of seven Muslim countries.  He explained the move with reference to the 9/11 attackers.  As Michael D. Shear and Helene Cooper at the New York Times write:

Most of the 19 hijackers on the planes that crashed into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon and a field in Shanksville, Pa., were from Saudi Arabia. The rest were from the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Lebanon. None of those countries are on Mr. Trump’s visa ban list.

Here we seem to have a contradiction between the case the President is making for why this executive order is justified, and the reality that the order does not apply to any of the countries that would make this explanation have any legitimacy.  I only want to suggest that this contradiction itself is a symptom, which Emanuela Bianchi in The Feminine Symptom says “discloses dysfunction, but also as a sign, points beyond itself, telling us to look elsewhere for its cause.”  The contradictions tell us this is not the cause, look elsewhere.  I believe this is true for this executive order, for the one about a border wall, and for arguments against abortion, among many other contradictions.  The contradictions are not failures of thought or an unwillingness to be consistent, lack of concern for getting ones logos or account in line with her bios or way of living.  The contradictions signal that something else is going on: not concern for protecting borders, but xenophobia, not concern for the terrorism, but Islamophobia, coupled with an investment in protecting business interests (thus leaving off the countries where Trump has such interests), not concern for human life, but patriarchy and misogyny.

Socrates gets a bad name for being the guy who is always trying to point out the ways people are contradictory as if his whole ethical approach is “gotchya” journalism.  But what if instead Socrates aims to let the symptom appear, acting not only as the midwife, but the doctor?  It is still probably the case that people will not be convinced to think otherwise because the contradiction in their position has been articulated.  But I don’t think that means we should ignore the contradictions and cease pointing them out, but instead take them as a signal that something else is indeed going on.

Doomsday Prep for the Superrich and the Privatization of Public Crisis Response

Two days ago Terry Gross had journalist Evan Osnos on Fresh Air discussing a new phenomenon of super rich people in the tech industry making plans for the failure of the government, of the food supply, of the electrical grid, of our world as we know it.  Osnos has an article in the current issue of The New Yorker on the same topic.  He tells the story of a guy who decided to get laser surgery so that he wouldn’t be dependent on contacts or glasses when “we have trouble,” because the supply lines might dry up.  That same guy bought some motorcycles, guns and ammo and a bunch of food so that he could  get out of town and have some supplies when things go bad. Read more

The Politics of Single Issue Abortion Voters

About 81% of self-identified evangelicals voted for Trump.  My parents voted for Trump.  Many of my relatives voted for Trump.  And many of them voted for him because they are single-issue voters on anti-abortion issues.  People vote with a focus on abortion access on the left, too.  In her contribution to Liza Featherstone’s edited collection False Choices: The Faux Feminism of Hillary ClintonMaureen Tkacik argues that Democrats also want to keep the abortion as an issue alive even though it could have been put to rest by making medical abortions more accessible.  That didn’t happen because the same pharmaceutical companies that support Democratic candidates made the pill so expensive that the pill cocktail for a medical abortion costs $600, which in some cases is more than a surgical abortion costs.  If abortion was cheaper, something that could be done in your local doctor’s office, and most often done at 8-10 weeks, it’d become less of a political divider.  But it would also do less to get people to the polls for both Republicans and Democrats.  Then they’d really need to make a case to people that their programs are good for us.  Read more

Women’s March Indianapolis

“The crowd is not a community.  It doesn’t rely on traditions.  It doesn’t have a history.  The crowd is not held together by unstated norms or an obscene supplement that extends beyond its own immediacy (although crowd images and symbols clearly shape the reception and circulation of crowd events).  Rather, the crowd is a temporary collective being.  It holds itself together affectively via imitation, contagion, suggestion, and sense of its own invincibility.  Because the crowd is a collective being, it cannot be reduced to singularities.  On the contrary, the primary characteristic of a crowd is its operation as a force of its own, like an organism.  The crowd is more than an aggregate of individuals.  It is individuals changed through the torsion of their aggregation, the force aggregation exerts back on them to do together what is impossible alone.” Jodi Dean, Crowds and Party Read more

Inauguration Day Strategizing

Today is a really weird day.  We are inaugurating a president who won by being crass, by encouraging violence toward dissenters, by being racist, xenophobic, pro-sexual harassment, anti-people-with-disabilities, and interestingly, anti-elite.  He seeks revenge on critics and opponents.  He lies as if repeating a claim over and over will make it true (latest: it’s very rare to have a concert at the Lincoln Memorial).  He does not appear able to control himself on Twitter in the wee hours of the night.  He is not interested in protocol. Read more

Lessons from The Emperor Has No Clothes

Soon after the election in November, I heard someone read Hans Christian Anderson’s short story “The Emperor Has No Clothes” aloud.  We know the story as one about an emperor who thinks he has a beautiful new set of clothes, but does not so he walks around naked.  The people of the city are aghast but no one says anything until a child calls out, “The emperor has no clothes!”  But what this summary leaves out is all the ways that fears of not appearing wise contribute to the fiasco and make fools of the whole community. Read more

The Free Market Will Not Make You Free

One of the most compelling arguments that William Clare Roberts makes in his new book, Marx’s Inferno: A Political Theory of Capital, is that the market dominates not only workers but commodity producers.  Rejecting the moralism of socialism, which suggests that capitalists just need to be kinder and gentler, Marx argues that the subjects of capitalism are not individuals who could make more ethical decisions, but the relations of production.  It is because capitalism is unable to render individuals free that capitalism dominates everyone under its purview.   Read more

Obama’s Farewell Address: Form a More Perfect Union

Every time Obama gives these appeals to “the better angels of our nature,” I’m right there back with him.  My fellow Americans, he kept saying last night in his farewell address from Chicago.  Someone recently pointed out that the incoming president seems to only tweet to his supporters, while Obama again and again addresses the whole country.  I felt like he was keeping us honest, inspired and going when he said, “These conversations have kept me honest, they kept me inspired and they kept me going.”

The circumstances of Obama’s exit from office make him seem particularly concerned with encouraging the country not to give up hope.  I don’t recall hearing any previous president who was handing over power to the opposing party speak with this kind of charge to the country with the praise for “The quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle.”  I tend not to think that electoral politics is or should be the site of our political focus, but I’m concerned that this critique of electoral politics sometimes amounts to general withdrawal from the halls of power.  I don’t think that nothing can be done to put pressure on elected officials.  The Tea Party and #BlackLivesMatter are evidence to the contrary.  And it seemed like the Obama who showed up for the Farewell Address was the community organizer Obama who was making this case to the American people.

Change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.

These rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.

All of this depends on our participation, on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power swings.

Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift.  But it’s really just a piece of parchment.  It has no power on its own.  We, the people, give it power–with our participation and with the choices we make and the alliances that we forge.

It falls to each of us to be those anxious jealous guardians of our democracy.

Look, there’s a lot that we could take issue with, like how Obama’s own policies contributed to some of the problems he called for vigilance against, like that “Stark inequality” that “is corrosive to democracy.”  Or the various prosecutions like of Edward Snowden and Chelsea Manning that did not appear to “Guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.”  Some might actually guffaw at Obama’s statement that we “reformed our laws to protect privacy and civil liberties.”  Or at the way that the United States demands “respect for freedom and the rule of law” for the sake of global tranquility while enforcing its will through military might and allowing police officers to kill citizens with impunity.

We could also take issue with the obstacles to ordinary people having an effect on the government that are part of our system–from money in elections to the electoral college.  Or with how the constitution and democracy might not feel to all parts of the community as things worth preserving.  And yet still, Obama’s call makes me want to organize.  I’m particularly struck by how he calls us to get together with other people.

I recently heard Jodi Dean on “This is Hell!” talking about how damaging the concept of individualism can be.  One way I think it can be damaging is that it makes us feel overwhelmed by individual responsibility, and it makes it difficult for us to be creative about being a collective.  Dean pointed how even Occupy Wall Street fostered an individual sense of choice where collective action depended on the individual assent for the sake of consensus of the whole gathered assembly.  Dean encourages a way of thinking about collectives that doesn’t focus on individual assent and choice, but on actions that serve the collective that then present people with the opportunity to do something.  I realize that this risks getting into a Lenin vs. Trotsky debate or something, which isn’t really my point.  My point is that I want to be with Obama against cynicism.  I do not want cynicism to produce inaction.  I think it might because it operates on individuals, who feel helpless.  But groups are not helpless and without effect. Even small and persistent groups can give the constitution meaning.

The best line in the address to my mind was about how rights that are self-evident are not self-executed.  I’m wary of rights talk grounding political life, and I’m not sure that these rights are self-evident, but I appreciate Obama’s charge that they are not self-executed.  Not self-executed I’m not sure really want it means to consider these rights individual rights, but civil rights in the sense of needing a community to get off the ground.  We’ve long been considering the argument that rights have no force on their own without a power to give them force.  Hannah Arendt suggests in The Origins of Totalitarianism that these kinds of rights, the ones we might call human rights, are without force unless there is a government who can recognize them.  Jacques Rancière responds that these rights can be made evident by a certain activity that manifests the way they are being ignored or the injustice of their not being extended to those to whom they ought to extend.  What might it mean for us to recognize that these rights are not self-executed, “but we the people through the instrument of our democracy can form a more perfect union”?  I don’t think Obama meant through elections.  We could form a more perfect union by forging alliances [this phrase was not in the distributed speech but added by Obama in the moment] wherein we treating as having rights those for whom these rights are not self-evident to others.  This work is going to be the work of (at least) the next four years.

“Be vigilant but not afraid.”

 

On Experts and Political Expertise, Again

This cartoon was circulated on social media last week by people concerned that the knowledge of experts is no longer respected in political matters.  Last week I blogged about the hatred of democracy that I think underlies this sentiment.  In November, I blogged about the “best and the brightest” political experts who were supposed to lead us into the path of peace and prosperity but instead enmired us in an unwinnable war.  I’m on an expert on some things.  I think that expertise should be recognized and I bristle when it is not, so I appreciate the concern that experts aren’t taken seriously. Read more

False Equivalencies and Liberalism

There was a lot of talk during the general election cycle about false equivalencies in the coverage of the two major party candidates.  The concern was that vastly different actions were treated as similar under the guise of journalistic balance or objectivity: Clinton’s emails treated with the same degree of coverage as Trump’s recorded statement about how he grabs women.  But these false equivalencies have moved beyond election coverage.  Identity politics, a term that refers to political efforts by groups who are marginalized on the basis of some aspect of their identity, has been taken up by those who occupy the position of the norm–Christians, white people, men–and made equivalent to the political efforts of those whose identities make them the systemic targets of injustice.  An opinion piece in The Washington Post argued that Democrats lost this election because of SCOTUS decisions against Christians’ rights to refuse to bake cakes for gay weddings.  Jeremy Carl argued last August for the legitimacy of white interests in National Review.  New York Magazine reports on the revitalization and politicization of the men’s rights movement in the era of Trump.  The idea in each of these cases is that the identities of those who because of their identity are structurally situated as having power occupies an equivalent political position to those who because of their identity are structurally situated as lacking power.

There has been a lot of wringing of hands over the move toward false equivalencies of this kind.  I submit that this situation in which every identity is treated as equal to every other one is what is on offer from liberalism, and here I mean liberalism in the sense of the political theory that both parties in the United States affirm.   Read more